This is the 7th and final post in Constitutional Law-I, Unit 2 — Posts 1 to 6 covered the Constitution's nature, its Preamble, its territory, citizenship, the general principles of Fundamental Rights, and the definition of "State"; this post covers the doctrine of judicial review, the mechanism that actually enforces everything discussed across this Unit.
A Constitution that declares certain rights supreme and certain limits on government power is only as strong as the mechanism enforcing it. Without some institution empowered to check whether a law or government action actually conforms to the Constitution, the Constitution's supremacy — the very first federal feature discussed in Post 1 of this Unit — would be nothing more than a written promise, unenforceable in practice. Judicial review is that enforcing mechanism: the power of courts to examine the constitutional validity of legislative and executive action, and to strike down what exceeds constitutional limits. This is why judicial review is not just one more topic in this Unit, but the doctrine that gives legal force to nearly everything discussed in Posts 1 through 6.
Judicial review is the power of courts to examine the constitutionality of legislative enactments and executive orders, and to declare them void if they are found to be inconsistent with the Constitution. It rests on the basic premise, discussed in Post 1 of this Unit, that the Constitution is the supreme law of the land, and that any organ of government — including the legislature — that acts beyond the limits the Constitution sets is acting without legal authority to that extent.
Six constitutional pillars of judicial review:
1. Article 13 — declares that any law inconsistent with Part III is void to the extent of that inconsistency, examined in detail in Post 5 of this Unit; this is the substantive foundation of judicial review over Fundamental Rights.
2. Article 32 — guarantees the right to move the Supreme Court directly for the enforcement of Fundamental Rights, empowering the Court to issue writs (habeas corpus, mandamus, prohibition, quo warranto, certiorari) for that purpose. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar's description of this Article as "the heart and soul" of the Constitution, already noted in Post 5, reflects exactly how central it is to judicial review's practical operation.
3. Article 226 — empowers every High Court to issue the same range of writs, not only for enforcing Fundamental Rights but "for any other purpose" as well, making the High Courts' writ jurisdiction broader in scope than the Supreme Court's under Article 32, even though both operate within their own respective territorial limits.
4. Article 227 — gives every High Court a general power of superintendence over all courts and tribunals within its territorial jurisdiction, a supervisory tool distinct from but related to judicial review proper.
5. Articles 131 to 136 — establish the Supreme Court's original jurisdiction (disputes between the Union and States, or between States) and appellate jurisdiction, both of which routinely involve testing the constitutional validity of laws and government action.
6. Articles 245 and 246 — define the legislative competence of Parliament and State Legislatures with reference to the Seventh Schedule's three Lists (studied as part of the federal features in Post 1); a law made outside this competence is void, and testing this is itself a form of judicial review.
Judicial review as a modern constitutional concept originates from the United States, where the U.S. Supreme Court, in Marbury v. Madison (1803), asserted for itself the power to declare an Act of Congress unconstitutional — a power the American Constitution does not expressly grant anywhere in its text, but which the Court held was implicit in a written, supreme Constitution. India's position is different and, in an important sense, stronger on paper: judicial review is not merely inferred by courts, but expressly and repeatedly built into the constitutional text itself, through Articles 13, 32, 131 to 136, 226, 227, 245, and 246, discussed above. This distinction — American judicial review as a judicially-asserted implication, Indian judicial review as an express textual guarantee — is a frequently tested comparative point.
1. Ordinary legislation — any Act of Parliament or a State Legislature can be tested against Part III (Fundamental Rights) and against legislative competence under Articles 245–246.
2. Executive and administrative action — orders, rules, regulations, and other executive decisions can be reviewed for constitutionality, for exceeding statutory authority, or for violating principles of natural justice.
3. Constitutional amendments — even an amendment passed under Article 368 can be judicially reviewed, but only on the narrow ground of whether it damages or destroys the Constitution's basic structure, per Kesavananda Bharati v. State of Kerala (1973), discussed fully in Post 1 of this Unit — Parliament's amending power itself is subject to judicial review.
If Parliament could, by ordinary constitutional amendment, remove or weaken the courts' power of judicial review, every other basic structure protection recognized in Kesavananda Bharati would become practically unenforceable — there would be no institution left to check whether that very amendment itself crossed the line. The Supreme Court closed this exact gap in the case below.
The 42nd Constitutional Amendment Act, 1976 had inserted clauses into Article 368 declaring that no constitutional amendment could be questioned in any court on any ground whatsoever, and that any law giving effect to certain Directive Principles would prevail over any Fundamental Right it conflicted with, without any further judicial scrutiny. The Supreme Court struck down both clauses as unconstitutional, holding that the power of judicial review is itself part of the Constitution's basic structure, and Parliament cannot use its amending power under Article 368 to exclude or destroy that power — doing so would place an unlimited, unreviewable amending power in Parliament's hands, defeating the very idea of a supreme, controlled Constitution discussed in Post 1 of this Unit. The Court also reaffirmed that Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles must be balanced harmoniously, with neither given absolute priority over the other, rather than allowing DPSP-based laws to override Fundamental Rights without any judicial check.
A related question arose when Parliament began setting up specialized administrative tribunals (for service matters, tax disputes, and similar areas) and sought to exclude the High Courts' writ jurisdiction over these matters entirely, routing appeals directly to the Supreme Court instead. In S.P. Sampath Kumar v. Union of India (1987), the Supreme Court initially upheld this exclusion, provided the tribunals themselves offered an effective, equally competent substitute for High Court review. A decade later, the question was revisited more fundamentally.
A seven-judge bench reconsidered whether tribunals could validly exclude the judicial review jurisdiction of the High Courts under Articles 226 and 227. The Supreme Court held that the power of judicial review vested in the High Courts under Articles 226/227 and in the Supreme Court under Article 32 is itself part of the basic structure of the Constitution, and Parliament cannot, by ordinary legislation creating a tribunal, completely exclude this jurisdiction — going further than S.P. Sampath Kumar had allowed. Tribunals may continue to function as the first-instance forum for the disputes assigned to them, but their decisions remain subject to scrutiny by a Division Bench of the jurisdictional High Court under Articles 226/227, ensuring that judicial review by the High Courts can never be fully bypassed. This case, read with Minerva Mills, confirms that judicial review is protected at both levels of the higher judiciary — the Supreme Court and the High Courts — not merely as ordinary jurisdiction, but as an entrenched constitutional guarantee.
Legislative action is typically reviewed on two broad grounds: lack of legislative competence (a law made on a subject outside the relevant List under Articles 245–246) and violation of Fundamental Rights or other substantive constitutional provisions. Executive and administrative action is reviewed on a related but distinct set of grounds — illegality (acting beyond statutory authority), procedural impropriety (violating natural justice, such as denying a fair hearing), and irrationality (a decision so unreasonable that no reasonable authority could have arrived at it, commonly referred to as "Wednesbury unreasonableness"). These administrative-law grounds are studied in far more depth outside this subject; this post covers only enough to place them within the wider judicial review framework.
Judicial review and judicial activism are related but distinct ideas, frequently confused in exam answers. Judicial review is the settled, constitutionally sanctioned power to test the validity of laws and government action against the Constitution — a routine, expected judicial function. Judicial activism refers to courts going further, actively shaping policy or filling legislative gaps through their judgments, often in areas where the legislature has been slow or silent (for instance, through detailed guidelines issued in the absence of legislation). Judicial review is exercised through activism sometimes, but the two terms are not synonyms — every act of judicial review is not "activism," and activism is best understood as a particular style or degree of exercising the judicial function, not the function itself.
| Aspect | Article 32 | Article 226 |
|---|---|---|
| Court | Supreme Court | High Courts |
| Purpose | Enforcement of Fundamental Rights only | Enforcement of Fundamental Rights, plus "any other purpose" |
| Scope | Narrower in purpose, nationwide in territorial reach | Broader in purpose, limited to the High Court's own territorial jurisdiction |
| Nature of right | Itself a Fundamental Right (Article 32 is in Part III) | Not itself a Fundamental Right, but a constitutional power of the High Courts |
Suppose Parliament passes a constitutional amendment under Article 368 declaring that, from now on, no court may examine the validity of any future constitutional amendment on any ground whatsoever. Is this amendment itself valid? No — this is almost exactly the situation the Supreme Court struck down in Minerva Mills: an amendment that tries to insulate the amending power from all judicial review destroys judicial review itself, which is part of the basic structure. Compare this with a State law creating a specialized tribunal for service disputes and directing all such disputes to that tribunal instead of the High Court. Is that valid? Largely yes — tribunals can validly handle such disputes as the first forum — but per L. Chandra Kumar, the law cannot validly bar an aggrieved party from later seeking review of the tribunal's decision before the jurisdictional High Court under Articles 226/227.